Bio

PROF. MUTORO HENRY W

DATE OF BIRTH:  22ND JANUARY,1950.

PLACE OF BIRTH: BUNGOMA COUNTY,WESTERN PROVINCE ,KENYA.

NATIONALITY: KENYAN

MARITAL STATUS: MARRIED.

DESIGNATION: ASSOCIATE PROFESSOR.

OFFICE ADDRESS: DVC Academic Affairs                     

Publications


2013

Mutoro, HW, Wafula GK.  2013.  Mizizi A Collection of Essays on Kenya's History. , Nairobi: University of Nairobi Press Abstractmizizi-the_development_of_archaelogy_in_kenya.pdf

The Development of Archaeology in Kenya Since the Early 1960's

The history of archeology in Kenya broadly parallels that of the broader East African Region. This, in part, is because the region shares a related cultural history and in part, because, socio-political and economic environments in the countries of the region are largely related. In addition, international trends in archaeology pertaining to method and theory, affected the region in a more or less similar manner. Despite this, and for purposes of this chapter, the discussion confines itself to historical developments that relate to Kenya, since the early 1960's.
Archaeological studies in Kenya, as in the East African countries, have been conducted in two major dimensions, one concerned with human origins, and the other concerned with aspects pf later prehistory (Robertshaw 1990:78). The chapter will shed light on the social, political and economic environments under which archaeology as a discipline has thrived; explain how international trends in archaeology in method and theory have influenced archaeological studies in the country were conducted and how their results were interpreted.

2004

2003

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  2003.  The Great Rift Valley Ecosystem for UNESCO World Heritage Centre 2003. UNESCO World Heritage Centre 2003. : Elsevier

1999

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1999.  Henry w. Mutoro, Ludeki: Chweya and Wanjala Nasongo: Political Leadership and the crisis of development in Africa: Lessons from Kenya .In good Governance issues and sustaintable development: the Indian Ocean region by Robin Ghash,Kony Gabbay and Abu Siddi. the Indian Ocean region by Robin Ghash,Kony Gabbay and Abu Siddique(eds.) 1999, New Delhi: altlantic Publishers. : Elsevier Abstract
There is a causal relationship between political leadership and economic development. There is evidence that the deterioration of economic conditions in African since independence is owed to poor management of public economic affairs by the incumbent state leadership. This argument implies that whereas the continent may not be very well endowed with natural resources, this may not be held solely responsible for the existing economic woes. Whatever resources exist are capable of generating economic development, indeed economic breakthrough, if they are harnessed and utilized effectively. Conversely, a country may be endowed with enormous natural and human resources, but may remain characterized by poverty and economic backwardness if it is not endowed with visionary, dedicated and rational political leadership capable of appropriating such resources for the purpose of national development and for the prosperity of the citizens.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1999.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Bungoma District: Family Life." Bungoma District Socio-Cultural Profile Project 1999; pp. 51-60.. Bungoma District Socio-Cultural Profile Project 1999; pp. 51-60.. : Elsevier Abstract
This paper reports on work which was done on the upper Tana in Eastern Kenya. The work revealed a number of iron-using sites which included smelting areas, so-called Gumba earth works and lot of pottery, belonging to triangular incised (TIW) and Kwale Ware. It is concluded that TIW post date Kwale Ware and it is likely the TIW makers/users were responsible for the iron working in the Area.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1999.  "Research findings on iron using communities of the Upper Tana and their environment. Ca. 1000 . International Journal of arts and social Sciences, Vol.I 1999 P.P. 48-55... : Elsevier Abstract
This paper reports on work which was done on the upper Tana in Eastern Kenya. The work revealed a number of iron-using sites which included smelting areas, so-called Gumba earth works and lot of pottery, belonging to triangular incised (TIW) and Kwale Ware. It is concluded that TIW post date Kwale Ware and it is likely the TIW makers/users were responsible for the iron working in the Area.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1999.  Henry W. Mutoro (with L. Ngari, H. Kiriama and W. Ndiri)Research findings on iron using communities of the Upper Tana and their environment. Ca. 1000 . International Journal of arts and social Sciences, Vol.I 1999 P.P. 48-55.. : Elsevier Abstract
This paper reports on work which was done on the upper Tana in Eastern Kenya. The work revealed a number of iron-using sites which included smelting areas, so-called Gumba earth works and lot of pottery, belonging to triangular incised (TIW) and Kwale Ware. It is concluded that TIW post date Kwale Ware and it is likely the TIW makers/users were responsible for the iron working in the Area.

1998

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1998.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Precolonial Trading Systems of the East African Interior In Conah, G. (ed.). Transformations in Africa", Essays on Africa's later past. Leicester University Press, 1988 pp. 186 . Essays on Africa's later past. Leicester University Press, 1988 pp. 186 . : Elsevier Abstract
The precolonial trading systems of the East African interior have a great antiquity ml can best be understood by employing a multidisciplinary approach including archaeology, oral traditions, linguistic evidence and documentary sources. Two types oj trade, namely subsistence-oriented and nonsubsistence-oriented or long-distance frai, can be identified. In general, the nonsubsistence-oriented trade was a response demands for unevenly distributed resources at both local and international levels, This is demonstrated by some of the coastal and hinterland settlements for which there is evidence for periods of prosperity. Archaeological evidence from the pre-tenth-century AD settlements on the coast, and documentary evidence of the same period, show how this prosperity emanated from trade transactions between the coast and the interior in response to industrial and labor-force demands in the lands beyond the Indian Ocean, particularly the Orient and Mediterranean Europe. The steadily expanding market for commodities from the interior, particularly ivory and slaves, provided by the international maritime trade especially after the fifteenth century, brought new opportunities for the expansion of long-distance trade. These created and strengthened contacts between the East African interior and the coast, in order to satisfy the needs of the expanding markets in Europe and the Orient, for instance, the Akamba, the Nyamwezi, and the Yao caravans, to name just a few, collaborated with the Mijikenda, the Swahili, and Arab caravan traders to deplete tht interior of its resources for the markets overseas. Trade with the interior not only increased in volume but also witnessed the supplementing of traditional commodities with new ones. From the coast, for example, interior communities got luxury items such as cloth, beads, porcelain, glass, and later guns, which had not been seen in the interior before. In addition to these were cowrie shells, now as a form of currency, certain foodstuffs, and salt. These were exchanged for interior products of the hunt and jar slaves. It seems that interior communities never took the first initiative in tk international trade that characterized this region in the period under review. Ik initiative was always taken by coastal communities in response to industrial growth and labor-force demands overseas. Analyzing the balance sheet of this trade, it my k concluded that precolonial African societies in the interior were not what we would now call astute business people with long-term investment programs. There is little evidence to show that they benefited very much from these transactions, in spite of the active role that they played.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1998.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Settlement Origins and Development on the Kenya Coastal Hinterland." Urban Origins in East Africa 1988; pp. 73-75.. Urban Origins in East Africa 1988; pp. 73-75.. : Elsevier Abstract
There is a causal relationship between political leadership and economic development. There is evidence that the deterioration of economic conditions in African since independence is owed to poor management of public economic affairs by the incumbent state leadership. This argument implies that whereas the continent may not be very well endowed with natural resources, this may not be held solely responsible for the existing economic woes. Whatever resources exist are capable of generating economic development, indeed economic breakthrough, if they are harnessed and utilized effectively. Conversely, a country may be endowed with enormous natural and human resources, but may remain characterized by poverty and economic backwardness if it is not endowed with visionary, dedicated and rational political leadership capable of appropriating such resources for the purpose of national development and for the prosperity of the citizens.

1996

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1996.  Henry W.Mutoro, Herman O. Kiriama and Lazarus Ngaru : Iron working in the Upper Tana valley,Kenya.In Aspects of African archaeology. Albert Pwiti and Robert sopur(eds) 1996, pp.505-507.University of Zimbabwe Publications.. In Aspects of African archaeology. Albert Pwiti and Robert sopur(eds) 1996, pp.505-507.University of Zimbabwe Publications.. : Elsevier Abstract
The precolonial trading systems of the East African interior have a great antiquity ml can best be understood by employing a multidisciplinary approach including archaeology, oral traditions, linguistic evidence and documentary sources. Two types oj trade, namely subsistence-oriented and nonsubsistence-oriented or long-distance frai, can be identified. In general, the nonsubsistence-oriented trade was a response demands for unevenly distributed resources at both local and international levels, This is demonstrated by some of the coastal and hinterland settlements for which there is evidence for periods of prosperity. Archaeological evidence from the pre-tenth-century AD settlements on the coast, and documentary evidence of the same period, show how this prosperity emanated from trade transactions between the coast and the interior in response to industrial and labor-force demands in the lands beyond the Indian Ocean, particularly the Orient and Mediterranean Europe. The steadily expanding market for commodities from the interior, particularly ivory and slaves, provided by the international maritime trade especially after the fifteenth century, brought new opportunities for the expansion of long-distance trade. These created and strengthened contacts between the East African interior and the coast, in order to satisfy the needs of the expanding markets in Europe and the Orient, for instance, the Akamba, the Nyamwezi, and the Yao caravans, to name just a few, collaborated with the Mijikenda, the Swahili, and Arab caravan traders to deplete tht interior of its resources for the markets overseas. Trade with the interior not only increased in volume but also witnessed the supplementing of traditional commodities with new ones. From the coast, for example, interior communities got luxury items such as cloth, beads, porcelain, glass, and later guns, which had not been seen in the interior before. In addition to these were cowrie shells, now as a form of currency, certain foodstuffs, and salt. These were exchanged for interior products of the hunt and jar slaves. It seems that interior communities never took the first initiative in tk international trade that characterized this region in the period under review. Ik initiative was always taken by coastal communities in response to industrial growth and labor-force demands overseas. Analyzing the balance sheet of this trade, it my k concluded that precolonial African societies in the interior were not what we would now call astute business people with long-term investment programs. There is little evidence to show that they benefited very much from these transactions, in spite of the active role that they played.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1996.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Tana Ware and the Settlement Archaeology of the Kenya Coastal Hinterland." AZANIA, Journal of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1996.. AZANIA, Journal of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1996.. : Elsevier Abstract
The precolonial trading systems of the East African interior have a great antiquity ml can best be understood by employing a multidisciplinary approach including archaeology, oral traditions, linguistic evidence and documentary sources. Two types oj trade, namely subsistence-oriented and nonsubsistence-oriented or long-distance frai, can be identified. In general, the nonsubsistence-oriented trade was a response demands for unevenly distributed resources at both local and international levels, This is demonstrated by some of the coastal and hinterland settlements for which there is evidence for periods of prosperity. Archaeological evidence from the pre-tenth-century AD settlements on the coast, and documentary evidence of the same period, show how this prosperity emanated from trade transactions between the coast and the interior in response to industrial and labor-force demands in the lands beyond the Indian Ocean, particularly the Orient and Mediterranean Europe. The steadily expanding market for commodities from the interior, particularly ivory and slaves, provided by the international maritime trade especially after the fifteenth century, brought new opportunities for the expansion of long-distance trade. These created and strengthened contacts between the East African interior and the coast, in order to satisfy the needs of the expanding markets in Europe and the Orient, for instance, the Akamba, the Nyamwezi, and the Yao caravans, to name just a few, collaborated with the Mijikenda, the Swahili, and Arab caravan traders to deplete tht interior of its resources for the markets overseas. Trade with the interior not only increased in volume but also witnessed the supplementing of traditional commodities with new ones. From the coast, for example, interior communities got luxury items such as cloth, beads, porcelain, glass, and later guns, which had not been seen in the interior before. In addition to these were cowrie shells, now as a form of currency, certain foodstuffs, and salt. These were exchanged for interior products of the hunt and jar slaves. It seems that interior communities never took the first initiative in tk international trade that characterized this region in the period under review. Ik initiative was always taken by coastal communities in response to industrial growth and labor-force demands overseas. Analyzing the balance sheet of this trade, it my k concluded that precolonial African societies in the interior were not what we would now call astute business people with long-term investment programs. There is little evidence to show that they benefited very much from these transactions, in spite of the active role that they played.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1996.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Tana Ware and the Settlement Archaeology of the Kenya Coastal Hinterland." AZANIA, Journal of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1996.. AZANIA, Journal of the British Institute in Eastern Africa, 1996.. : Elsevier Abstract
The precolonial trading systems of the East African interior have a great antiquity ml can best be understood by employing a multidisciplinary approach including archaeology, oral traditions, linguistic evidence and documentary sources. Two types oj trade, namely subsistence-oriented and nonsubsistence-oriented or long-distance frai, can be identified. In general, the nonsubsistence-oriented trade was a response demands for unevenly distributed resources at both local and international levels, This is demonstrated by some of the coastal and hinterland settlements for which there is evidence for periods of prosperity. Archaeological evidence from the pre-tenth-century AD settlements on the coast, and documentary evidence of the same period, show how this prosperity emanated from trade transactions between the coast and the interior in response to industrial and labor-force demands in the lands beyond the Indian Ocean, particularly the Orient and Mediterranean Europe. The steadily expanding market for commodities from the interior, particularly ivory and slaves, provided by the international maritime trade especially after the fifteenth century, brought new opportunities for the expansion of long-distance trade. These created and strengthened contacts between the East African interior and the coast, in order to satisfy the needs of the expanding markets in Europe and the Orient, for instance, the Akamba, the Nyamwezi, and the Yao caravans, to name just a few, collaborated with the Mijikenda, the Swahili, and Arab caravan traders to deplete tht interior of its resources for the markets overseas. Trade with the interior not only increased in volume but also witnessed the supplementing of traditional commodities with new ones. From the coast, for example, interior communities got luxury items such as cloth, beads, porcelain, glass, and later guns, which had not been seen in the interior before. In addition to these were cowrie shells, now as a form of currency, certain foodstuffs, and salt. These were exchanged for interior products of the hunt and jar slaves. It seems that interior communities never took the first initiative in tk international trade that characterized this region in the period under review. Ik initiative was always taken by coastal communities in response to industrial growth and labor-force demands overseas. Analyzing the balance sheet of this trade, it my k concluded that precolonial African societies in the interior were not what we would now call astute business people with long-term investment programs. There is little evidence to show that they benefited very much from these transactions, in spite of the active role that they played.

1995

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1995.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Human Responses to Environmental Change in the Upper Tana During the Holocene." Work-in-Progress Seminar,Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University, Canberra,1995.. Work-in-Progress Seminar,Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University, Canberra,1995.. : Elsevier Abstract
The precolonial trading systems of the East African interior have a great antiquity ml can best be understood by employing a multidisciplinary approach including archaeology, oral traditions, linguistic evidence and documentary sources. Two types oj trade, namely subsistence-oriented and nonsubsistence-oriented or long-distance frai, can be identified. In general, the nonsubsistence-oriented trade was a response demands for unevenly distributed resources at both local and international levels, This is demonstrated by some of the coastal and hinterland settlements for which there is evidence for periods of prosperity. Archaeological evidence from the pre-tenth-century AD settlements on the coast, and documentary evidence of the same period, show how this prosperity emanated from trade transactions between the coast and the interior in response to industrial and labor-force demands in the lands beyond the Indian Ocean, particularly the Orient and Mediterranean Europe. The steadily expanding market for commodities from the interior, particularly ivory and slaves, provided by the international maritime trade especially after the fifteenth century, brought new opportunities for the expansion of long-distance trade. These created and strengthened contacts between the East African interior and the coast, in order to satisfy the needs of the expanding markets in Europe and the Orient, for instance, the Akamba, the Nyamwezi, and the Yao caravans, to name just a few, collaborated with the Mijikenda, the Swahili, and Arab caravan traders to deplete tht interior of its resources for the markets overseas. Trade with the interior not only increased in volume but also witnessed the supplementing of traditional commodities with new ones. From the coast, for example, interior communities got luxury items such as cloth, beads, porcelain, glass, and later guns, which had not been seen in the interior before. In addition to these were cowrie shells, now as a form of currency, certain foodstuffs, and salt. These were exchanged for interior products of the hunt and jar slaves. It seems that interior communities never took the first initiative in tk international trade that characterized this region in the period under review. Ik initiative was always taken by coastal communities in response to industrial growth and labor-force demands overseas. Analyzing the balance sheet of this trade, it my k concluded that precolonial African societies in the interior were not what we would now call astute business people with long-term investment programs. There is little evidence to show that they benefited very much from these transactions, in spite of the active role that they played.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1995.  Henry W. Mutoro. "The Origins and Developments of Early Settlements on the East African Coast." Work-in-Progress Seminar, Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, 1995.. Work-in-Progress Seminar, Humanities Research Centre, Australian National University, Canberra, 1995.. : Elsevier Abstract
The precolonial trading systems of the East African interior have a great antiquity ml can best be understood by employing a multidisciplinary approach including archaeology, oral traditions, linguistic evidence and documentary sources. Two types oj trade, namely subsistence-oriented and nonsubsistence-oriented or long-distance frai, can be identified. In general, the nonsubsistence-oriented trade was a response demands for unevenly distributed resources at both local and international levels, This is demonstrated by some of the coastal and hinterland settlements for which there is evidence for periods of prosperity. Archaeological evidence from the pre-tenth-century AD settlements on the coast, and documentary evidence of the same period, show how this prosperity emanated from trade transactions between the coast and the interior in response to industrial and labor-force demands in the lands beyond the Indian Ocean, particularly the Orient and Mediterranean Europe. The steadily expanding market for commodities from the interior, particularly ivory and slaves, provided by the international maritime trade especially after the fifteenth century, brought new opportunities for the expansion of long-distance trade. These created and strengthened contacts between the East African interior and the coast, in order to satisfy the needs of the expanding markets in Europe and the Orient, for instance, the Akamba, the Nyamwezi, and the Yao caravans, to name just a few, collaborated with the Mijikenda, the Swahili, and Arab caravan traders to deplete tht interior of its resources for the markets overseas. Trade with the interior not only increased in volume but also witnessed the supplementing of traditional commodities with new ones. From the coast, for example, interior communities got luxury items such as cloth, beads, porcelain, glass, and later guns, which had not been seen in the interior before. In addition to these were cowrie shells, now as a form of currency, certain foodstuffs, and salt. These were exchanged for interior products of the hunt and jar slaves. It seems that interior communities never took the first initiative in tk international trade that characterized this region in the period under review. Ik initiative was always taken by coastal communities in response to industrial growth and labor-force demands overseas. Analyzing the balance sheet of this trade, it my k concluded that precolonial African societies in the interior were not what we would now call astute business people with long-term investment programs. There is little evidence to show that they benefited very much from these transactions, in spite of the active role that they played.

1994

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1994.  Henry W. Mutoro. . My emphasis was in archaeology and environment in the region, 1994.. : Elsevier Abstract
A sacred site is a place which is considered holy, and is partially or wholly reserved for magico-religious or ceremonial functions. Because of this it is venerated and revered and is kept free from contamination by sin and evil. Sacred sites vary in size from very small places covering a few square metres to large areas covering several hectares of land. They are usually characterized by the presence of artefacts, ecofacts and features that are unique to them; they may be in the open air, or in rockshelters, caves and forests. In many cases, sacred sites have frightening tales told about them, in order to scare off those who would want to destroy or defile them. In the archaeological record, sacred sites may initially be identifiable as burial sites, ceremonial sites or butchery sites. It is on the basis of such clues that other attributes that are typical of sacred sites can be identified, isolated and studied. It is against this background that this chapter discusses the Mijikenda kaya (pi. makaya) as a sacred site.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1994.  Henry W. Mutoro. "History and Culture of Bungoma District." Bungoma Development in the 21st Century 1994; pp.71-74.. Bungoma Development in the 21st Century 1994; pp.71-74.. : Elsevier Abstract
A sacred site is a place which is considered holy, and is partially or wholly reserved for magico-religious or ceremonial functions. Because of this it is venerated and revered and is kept free from contamination by sin and evil. Sacred sites vary in size from very small places covering a few square metres to large areas covering several hectares of land. They are usually characterized by the presence of artefacts, ecofacts and features that are unique to them; they may be in the open air, or in rockshelters, caves and forests. In many cases, sacred sites have frightening tales told about them, in order to scare off those who would want to destroy or defile them. In the archaeological record, sacred sites may initially be identifiable as burial sites, ceremonial sites or butchery sites. It is on the basis of such clues that other attributes that are typical of sacred sites can be identified, isolated and studied. It is against this background that this chapter discusses the Mijikenda kaya (pi. makaya) as a sacred site.
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1994.  Henry W. Mutoro. "The Mijikenda Kaya as a Sacred Site." Sacred Sites, Sacred Places 1994; pp. 132-139.. Sacred Sites, Sacred Places 1994; pp. 132-139.. : Elsevier Abstract
A sacred site is a place which is considered holy, and is partially or wholly reserved for magico-religious or ceremonial functions. Because of this it is venerated and revered and is kept free from contamination by sin and evil. Sacred sites vary in size from very small places covering a few square metres to large areas covering several hectares of land. They are usually characterized by the presence of artefacts, ecofacts and features that are unique to them; they may be in the open air, or in rockshelters, caves and forests. In many cases, sacred sites have frightening tales told about them, in order to scare off those who would want to destroy or defile them. In the archaeological record, sacred sites may initially be identifiable as burial sites, ceremonial sites or butchery sites. It is on the basis of such clues that other attributes that are typical of sacred sites can be identified, isolated and studied. It is against this background that this chapter discusses the Mijikenda kaya (pi. makaya) as a sacred site.

1993

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1993.  Henry W. Mutoro (with Namachanja C.FK.). "Transition to Multi-Party Democracy: A Case Study of Kimilili Constituency in Bungoma District,1993." Transition to Multi-Party Democracy Seminar, Nairobi, 1993.. Transition to Multi-Party Democracy Seminar, Nairobi, 1993.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1993.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Teaching of Scriptures as a Guide to Realization of divinity in Humankind: A Historical Perspective." Vision 2000: centenary of Swami Vivekananda's World Parliament of Religions, Nairobi, 1993.. Vision 2000: centenary of Swami Vivekananda's World Parliament of Religions, Nairobi, 1993.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1993.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Culture and Anthropology of Bungoma District." BPG Workshop '93: Theme: Bungoma, Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow: Bungoma Development in the 21st century, Nairobi.. BPG Workshop '93: Theme: Bungoma, Yesterday, Today, Tomorrow: Bungoma Development in the 21st century, Nairobi. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1993.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Inter-Kaya Relationships: The Case of Kenya Coastal Hinterland Site." World Archaeological Congress, Intercongress,Mombasa, 1993.. World Archaeological Congress, Intercongress,Mombasa, 1993.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1993.  Henry W. Mutoro (with G. Abungu). "Coast/Interior Relations." Archaeology of Africa: Food Metals and Towns 1993; pp 694-704.. Archaeology of Africa: Food Metals and Towns 1993; pp 694-704.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

1991

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1991.  "Kenya: Helig boplats Innanfor Muren," Popular Arkeologi, Arg. 9NR 4, 1991, p.26.. Popular Arkeologi, Arg. 9NR 4, 1991, p.26.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1991.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Kenya: Helig boplats Innanfor Muren," Popular Arkeologi, Arg. 9NR 4, 1991, p.26.. Popular Arkeologi, Arg. 9NR 4, 1991, p.26.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

1990

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro (with K.A. Nyamong). "Culture and Environment: An Overview." Environment 2000, organized by KENGO & NES, Nairobi,1990.. Environment 2000, organized by KENGO & NES, Nairobi,1990.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Global Education and Promotion of Peace Between Cultures." Second Soka University Pacific Basin Symposium, Los Angeles 1990; pp. 232-238.. Second Soka University Pacific Basin Symposium, Los Angeles 1990; pp. 232-238.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro. "The Development of Settlement Pattern Studies on the Kenya Coast.' Panafrican Association of Anthropologists Congress,Nairobi, 1990.. Panafrican Association of Anthropologists Congress,Nairobi, 1990.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Techniques of Pottery Manufacture Among the Mijikenda: Use and Discard, Implications for Archaeological Interpretation." Anthropology of Urban Origins in Eastern Africa Workshop, Maputo, Mozambique, 1990.. Anthropology of Urban Origins in Eastern Africa Workshop, Maputo, Mozambique, 1990.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Singwaya Myth and the Settlement History of the Kenya Coast." World ArchaeologicalCongress2,Baraquismento,Venezuela,1990.. World ArchaeologicalCongress2,Baraquismento,Venezuela,1990.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Global Education and Promotion of Peace Between Cultures: The Third World Experiences." The Second Soka University Pacific Basin Symposium, Los Angeles, 1990.. The Second Soka University Pacific Basin Symposium, Los Angeles, 1990.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1990.  Henry W. Mutoro. "African Presences in Pre-Columbian America: Myth or Reality?" American Studies in East Africa, 1993; pp. 3-5. American Studies in East Africa, 1993; pp. 3-5.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

1989

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1989.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Theory and Practice: A Case of Coastal Hinterland Settlements on Kenya Coastal Hinterland." Urban Origins Workshop, Antananarivo, Madagascar, 1989.. Urban Origins Workshop, Antananarivo, Madagascar, 1989.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1989.  Henry W. Mutoro. "An Archaeological Reconnaissance of Embu." Embu District Socio-Cultural Profile Project 1989; pp. 1-6.. Embu District Socio-Cultural Profile Project 1989; pp. 1-6.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

1988

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1988.  Henry W. Mutoro (with F. Masao). "East Africa and the Comoro Islands." UNESCO General History of Africa. Vol. 3, 1988, pp. 285-296.. UNESCO General History of Africa. Vol. 3, 1988, pp. 285-296.. : Elsevier Abstract
This chapter attempts to re-evaluate the history of the East African coast and the Comores between the seventh and eleventh centuries. This is being done with a view to correcting the false picture painted by historians and/or archaeologists of the colonial school of thought, who presented rather a history of foreign traders and colonizers credited with the civilization of the coast. The role of outsiders in the early history of the East African coast cannot be denied, but it is one thing to be part of a process of change and completely another to claim responsibility for the process. Recent research, however, is slowly but surely making it very clear that the history of the East African coast is the history of indigenous African populations and their interaction with the environment
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1988.  Henry W. Mutoro. "TL Dating of Hinterland Ceramics." Urban Origins Specialist Workshop, Mombasa, Kenya, 1988.. Urban Origins Specialist Workshop, Mombasa, Kenya, 1988.. : Elsevier Abstract
This chapter attempts to re-evaluate the history of the East African coast and the Comores between the seventh and eleventh centuries. This is being done with a view to correcting the false picture painted by historians and/or archaeologists of the colonial school of thought, who presented rather a history of foreign traders and colonizers credited with the civilization of the coast. The role of outsiders in the early history of the East African coast cannot be denied, but it is one thing to be part of a process of change and completely another to claim responsibility for the process. Recent research, however, is slowly but surely making it very clear that the history of the East African coast is the history of indigenous African populations and their interaction with the environment
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1988.  Henry W. Mutoro. "A Nearest Neighbour Analysis of the Mijikenda Kaya Settlements on the Hinterland Kenya Coast",Kenya Journal of Sciences,Series C., Social Sciences, of the Kenya National Academy of Sciences Vol.1 (2): 1988, pp. 5-17.. Kenya Journal of Sciences,Series C., Social Sciences, of the Kenya National Academy of Sciences Vol.1 (2): 1988, pp. 5-17.. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1988.  "A Nearest Neighbour Analysis of the Mijikenda Kaya Settlements on the Hinterland Kenya Coast", Kenya Journal of Sciences, Series C., Social Sciences, of the Kenya National Academy of Sciences Vol. 1. Kenya Journal of Sciences, Series C., Social Sciences, of the Kenya National Academy of Sciences Vol. 1. : Elsevier Abstract

Settlement pattern studies are concerned with relics of human occupation in the past. In an archaeological record, these relics either appear in clusters or individually in the form of pestholes, house floors, house foundations or as middens. On aerial photographs and topographic maps relics of past human occupation can be identified by the presence of circular or rectangular depressional features and stunted vegetation cover in the midst of a flourishing vegetation community. Past human settlements can also be identified in actual field observation as ruins: building structures, walled fortresses, moats, monuments and mounds.

Irrespective of their nature and conditions of preservation, past settlements are a reflection of human behaviour through time and space. The archaeological evidence that is found preserved in them can shed much light on our knowledge of past culture. The essential archaeological problem in the analysis and interpretation of settlement, however, is that architectural remains and other settlement data cannot be understood simply by their description, distribution, cultural attribution and chronology - as they have been from the early anthropological work of Morgan (1881) and Mindeleff (1890) through the first large-scale regional archaeological syntheses, such as Childe's (e.g. 1934) in Europe and Willey (1953) in South America up to the common archaeological survey work of today.

With the influence of modern cultural ecology, geography and sociobiology, settle­ment analysis has been transformed into a concern with environmental and ecological processes. Settlements are part of a complex integration of culture and ecology within a regional environment. As a result, settlement analysis in archaeology must attend not only to the physical layout of the environment, but also to the social and historical aspects of environmental interaction.

1987

W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1987.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Settlement Origins and Development on the Kenya Coastal Hinterland." Urban Origins in East Africa 1988; pp. 73-75.. Urban Origins in East Africa 1988; pp. 73-75.. : Elsevier Abstract
This chapter attempts to re-evaluate the history of the East African coast and the Comores between the seventh and eleventh centuries. This is being done with a view to correcting the false picture painted by historians and/or archaeologists of the colonial school of thought, who presented rather a history of foreign traders and colonizers credited with the civilization of the coast. The role of outsiders in the early history of the East African coast cannot be denied, but it is one thing to be part of a process of change and completely another to claim responsibility for the process. Recent research, however, is slowly but surely making it very clear that the history of the East African coast is the history of indigenous African populations and their interaction with the environment
W, PROFMUTOROHENRY.  1987.  Henry W. Mutoro. "Property Ownership and Inheritance." Kwale District Socio-Cultural Profile Project 1987; pp. 39-44.. Kwale District Socio-Cultural Profile Project 1987; pp. 39-44.. : Elsevier Abstract
This chapter attempts to re-evaluate the history of the East African coast and the Comores between the seventh and eleventh centuries. This is being done with a view to correcting the false picture painted by historians and/or archaeologists of the colonial school of thought, who presented rather a history of foreign traders and colonizers credited with the civilization of the coast. The role of outsiders in the early history of the East African coast cannot be denied, but it is one thing to be part of a process of change and completely another to claim responsibility for the process. Recent research, however, is slowly but surely making it very clear that the history of the East African coast is the history of indigenous African populations and their interaction with the environment

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